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Militant democracy or creeping illiberalism? Germany’s free speech dilemma.

April 10, 2026 5 min read views
Militant democracy or creeping illiberalism? Germany’s free speech dilemma.
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View our Twitter (X) feed View our Youtube channel View our Instagram feed View our Substack feed View our Spotify feed Search What are you curious about? Popular SearchesCritical thinkingPhilosophyEmotional IntelligenceFree Will Latest Videos Latest Articles Militant democracy or creeping illiberalism? Germany’s free speech dilemma.

Germany built aggressive systems to combat hate speech, but the line between defending democracy and undermining it may be beginning to blur.

by Jacob Mchangama & Jeff Kosseff April 10, 2026 The cover of the book "The Future of Free Speech" by Jacob Mchangama and Jeff Kosseff, with part of the cover image pixelated, explores topics like Germany free speech in a rapidly changing world. Key Takeaways
  • Germany’s laws restricting hate speech are currently far stricter than those found in other Western-style democracies like the United States.
  • Mchangama and Kosseff argue that expanding censorship powers can unintentionally amplify extremists by turning them into martyrs.
  • Despite stricter enforcement, extremism continues to rise, leading the authors to raise doubts about whether limiting speech can protect democracy.
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Excerpted from The Future of Free Speech: Reversing the Global Decline of Democracy's Most Essential Freedom by Jacob Mchangama and Jeff Kosseff. Copyright 2026. Published with permission of Johns Hopkins University Press.

Due to its Nazi past, Germany’s post–World War II militant democracy has been unusually aggressive in banning hatred and extremism. Early postwar laws prohibited Nazi symbols, propaganda, and organizations. A turning point came in 1960 with the “swastika epidemic” — a surge of anti-Semitic graffiti and attacks on synagogues. In response, the German parliament made it illegal to incite hatred or insult “segments of the population” in ways that might disturb public peace. The epidemic was later revealed to be a KGB “active measures” campaign. Despite this, Germany has continually expanded its hate-speech laws to cover areas such as incitement, Holocaust denial, and the distribution of propaganda and symbols of unconstitutional organizations. Even criminal defamation laws can function as hate-speech provisions under this broad framework.

While Germany’s speech laws were intended to protect minorities and democracy, they now frequently shield governments from criticism. Alarmingly, they are sometimes used against those minorities they were designed to protect — such as the frequent prosecutions of Muslims and Palestinians during pro-Palestinian protests. This effectively leaves a predominantly white, German political administrative class to determine which minorities deserve protection — or prosecution — under laws meant to defend them from majoritarian intolerance.

Despite its patchwork of hate-speech laws, to the country’s politicians, Germany’s militant democracy seems increasingly outdated in the age of social media. While traditional media once kept most extremism out of sight, platforms now amplify bigotry. To adapt, Germany passed the Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG), but the act has struggled to meet the complexities of the digital era. Outsourcing online censorship to tech giants did not curb far-right extremism. In 2020, then–Interior Minister Horst Seehofer warned that “right-wing extremism, antisemitism, and racism remain the greatest threats to security,” and the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), Germany’s domestic intelligence service, reported a sharp increase in right-wing extremist sympathizers — including those willing to use violence — between 2018, when NetzDG took full effect, and 2019. Politically motivated offenses and anti-Semitic incidents — mostly linked to the far right — also increased.

Some of these offenses were deadly and traumatic in a country still grappling with a past in which fascist militias defied the rule of law before establishing a totalitarian regime. On October 9, 2019, during Yom Kippur, a German neo-Nazi attempted to storm a synagogue in Halle. He failed to breach the door but killed two bystanders, livestreamed the attack, and posted a manifesto promising to “kill as many non-Whites as possible, Jews preferred.” This came months after another neo-Nazi assassinated a pro-immigrant politician. In February 2020, nine immigrants were murdered in an attack in Hanau. Predictably, the German government responded by further expanding its arsenal of hate-speech laws. In 2021, “hate-mongering insults” against vulnerable groups and expressions of approval for future crimes were criminalized.

The German government’s efforts extended beyond adjusting the law. If online radicalization was the threat, new crimes and platform accountability weren’t enough. The individuals posting illegal content had to be found and punished. As the head of Germany’s Federal Criminal Office admonished, “Anyone who posts hate messages must expect the police to be at the front door.” In 2022, The New York Times reviewed German state records and found more than 8,500 open investigations into online speech-related offenses. At least 1,000 people had been charged or punished since 2018. In many cases, when suspects refused to unlock their devices, digital forensics experts bypassed passwords to extract potentially incriminating content.

Although these statistics predate October 7, 2023, the raids have continued. In March 2024, police forcibly entered a Berlin apartment and arrested a 41-year-old woman who had posted “from the river to the sea.” Officers confiscated her phones and computers. Many of those convicted for online hate speech may well have been neo-Nazis or Islamist radicals. But the crackdown also swept up government critics such as CJ Hopkins, a left-wing American playwright who moved to Berlin in 2004 after opposing the Iraq War and what he called an “oppressive” atmosphere in the United States.

As the COVID-19 pandemic unfolded and lockdowns and vaccine mandates were imposed, Hopkins became a combative critic of the German government’s response. In August 2022, he tweeted the cover of his self-published book, The Rise of the New Normal Reich: Consent Factory Essays, which displayed a faint white swastika on a facemask. In May 2023, Hopkins was charged with disseminating “propaganda intended to further the aims of a former National Socialist organization.” Though he was acquitted in January 2024, the prosecutor appealed the decision. Hopkins was found guilty in September 2024 and faces a fine of up to €3,600 or 60 days in prison.

Even when the full force of militant democracy is unleashed against the far right, such measures may weaken free speech and embolden the censored. In July 2024, German Interior Minister Nancy Faeser banned the right-wing Compact Magazine, citing its advocacy for violently overthrowing the state and incitement against minorities. Armed officers in balaclavas raided its offices, while hundreds of police searched additional locations, seizing documents and computers. Compact, with a circulation of 40,000, is known for provocative takes on immigration, multiculturalism, and COVID-19. It was labeled “extremist” by Germany’s domestic intelligence in 2021. In August 2024, a top court enjoined the ban, calling it too extreme, and in July 2025 the ban was overturned on free-speech grounds. This legal victory allowed Compact to portray the case as David versus Goliath, accusing the government of dictatorial overreach — a narrative that boosted the magazine’s visibility.

On September 2, CompactTV resumed broadcasting and live-streamed celebrations as the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) became the largest party in the Thuringia state parliament, with nearly 33% of the vote. The result was orchestrated by the AfD’s controversial Thuringia leader, Björn Höcke, who had twice been convicted of using banned Nazi-era slogans at political rallies. Similar to what happened with Compact Magazine, state crackdowns appeared to boost his populist appeal. Höcke compared himself to Socrates and Jesus and likened German authorities to the members of Inquisition: “The bludgeon of justice is always used to beat the head of the dissident.” Though defeated in court, Höcke emerged three months later as the triumphant face of the AfD’s historic electoral victory — sending shock waves through Germany’s political establishment. German authorities intensified their clash with the AfD in May 2025, when the BfV officially labeled it a “proven right-wing extremist organization.” The designation, which followed the party’s second-place finish in national elections, expanded surveillance powers and opened the door to a possible ban.

The real question now is whether Germany’s relentless crackdown on free speech has grown to be a greater threat to its democracy than the extremists it desperately tries to silence.

While modern far-right parties like the AfD differ significantly from Hitler’s National Socialist German Workers’ Party — which dismantled democracy in 1933 — the parallels between Germany’s militant democracy and the Weimar Republic’s desperate efforts to suppress Nazis and communists are striking. The Republic’s emergency measures, which ultimately censored liberal and social democratic media, inadvertently amplified Nazi demagogues like Josef Goebbels and Julius Streicher, turning them into martyrs and providing a template for suppressing dissent when the Nazis seized power through democratic means.

Germany’s recurring expansions of hate-speech laws during crises blur the line between militant and illiberal democracy. Scenes where peaceful protesters are arrested, newspapers raided, and people prosecuted for dissent evoke comparisons to authoritarian practices in Russia or Venezuela. One queer feminist from Russia, represented by a Berlin lawyer, even likened the police shutdown of the April 2024 Palestine Congress to LGBTQ+ crackdowns in Moscow.

This raises a critical question. How far is Europe’s largest democracy willing to go in restricting free speech to combat extremism? Right-wing extremist activity and violence have surged, despite measures like NetzDG. According to BfV reports, the number of right-wing extremists grew annually from 2018 to 2024, rising from 32,080 (with 13,000 inclined toward violence) in 2019 to 50,250 (with 15,300 classified as violence oriented) by 2024. That year also saw a 47.4% spike in right-wing extremist offenses, with violent crimes up 11.6%, marking the highest overall extremist-offense total in a decade. Compounding this, left-wing extremist offenses rose in 2023 and surged in 2024. Offenses motivated by religious ideology — almost entirely Islamist — skyrocketed from 418 in 2022 to 1,250 in 2023 (violent incidents up 67%), and further increased in 2024.

Despite these troubling trends and the undeniable collateral damage to free expression, there’s little indication that Germany will rethink its illiberal approach. For all of modern Germany’s admirable qualities, its militant democracy may be more of a cautionary tale than a model to emulate. The real question now is whether Germany’s relentless crackdown on free speech has grown to be a greater threat to its democracy than the extremists it desperately tries to silence.

    History and SocietyPolitical PhilosophyPolitical SociologyFree SpeechMedia Politics
Jacob Mchangama

Lawyer, Human-Rights Advocate, and Author

Full Profile Jeff Kosseff

Associate Professor of Cybersecurity Law

Full Profile A man with short curly hair wearing a dark suit, white shirt, and patterned tie, standing against a plain light-colored background. Monthly Issue March 2026 The Roots of Resilience In this monthly issue, we look at resilience not as a buzzword or a self-help prescription, but as a property — one that shows up, or doesn’t, at every scale. 2 videos 14 articles Illustration of five humanoid figures with green bodies, root-like veins, and tree branches growing from their heads, holding hands against a yellow and red background.

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